Thursday, June 19, 2025

Gender, Masculinities and Peacebuilding: Joint Book Launch

On 19 June 2025, we gathered at Ulster University for the joint book launch of two groundbreaking volumes: The Routledge Handbook of Masculinities, Conflict, and Peacebuilding and Masculinities and Queer Perspectives in Transitional Justice.

This event celebrated the culmination of years of research exploring how gender, particularly masculinities and queer identities, influences contexts of violence and peacebuilding. The launch highlighted the relevance of these themes in today’s political landscape.

Belfast, with its rich history and vibrant academic community, provided the perfect backdrop for this celebration. Attendees joined several authors for an engaging interactive discussion about the books' implications for current debates and the path forward.

The Routledge Handbook of Masculinities, Conflict, and Peacebuilding (Edited By Henri Myrttinen, ChloĆ© Lewis, Heleen Touquet, Philipp Schulz, Farooq Yousaf, Elizabeth Laruni). This comprehensive handbook challenges conventional views on men and masculinities in conflict and peacebuilding. It offers a multi-dimensional exploration of gender dynamics, combining feminist, intersectional, and queer perspectives to illuminate the complexities of men’s roles in these processes.

Masculinities and Queer Perspectives in Transitional Justice (Edited By Philipp Schulz, Brandon Hamber and Heleen Touquet). This volume investigates the intersections of masculinities and queer theories, enhancing our understanding of violence, justice, and post-conflict transitions. It aims to foster more inclusive approaches to gender in addressing violent pasts.

Editors Philipp Schulz, Brandon Hamber and Heleen Touquet

The event was co-hosted by the Transitional Justice Institute and INCORE at Ulster University, marking a significant moment in advancing conversations around gender and peacebuilding. Thank you to everyone who attended and contributed to the enriching discussions!

Tuesday, May 27, 2025

Another Trump Circus, Another Dangerous Deflection

Why is South Africa being subjected to baseless accusations of white genocide?


It is now South Africa’s turn to be confronted by the madness of the Trump circus. This time, Trump dimmed the lights during his meeting with South African President Cyril Ramaphosa to showcase a series of videos supposedly supporting his claim of white genocide. The videos featured Julius Malema from the Economic Freedom Fighters, singing inflammatory songs about killing farmers.

This is typical manipulative behaviour from Trump, rooted in untruths. Malema does not govern South Africa and represents a fringe party that commands less than 10% support. Trump also claimed an image of white crosses were burial sites of white farmers when in fact they were erected as a protest. As It is now South Africa’s turn to be confronted by the madness of the Trump circus. This time, Trump dimmed the lights during his meeting with South African President Cyril Ramaphosa to showcase a series of videos supposedly supporting his claim of white genocide. The videos featured Julius Malema from the Economic Freedom Fighters, singing inflammatory songs about killing farmers.

This is typical manipulative behaviour from Trump, rooted in untruths. Malema does not govern South Africa and represents a fringe party that commands less than 10% support. Trump also claimed an image of white crosses were burial sites of white farmers when in fact they were erected as a protest. As well as showing some pictures of South African farm killings, he also showed photos from a report in the Democratic Republic of Congo, claiming they were from South Africa.

The claim of white genocide has been repeatedly debunked, including by prominent white South Africans who refuted the claim in the meeting with Trump. The Transvaal Agricultural Union (TAU) estimates 50 people, across all races, are killed on farms and small holdings each year. This is deeply concerning but in a country with 26,000 criminal murders a year this is not extraordinary.

The key question, therefore, is: why is South Africa being subjected to baseless accusations of white genocide? The answer is simple. This is all about ongoing accusations of genocide in Gaza, and specifically South Africa's International Court of Justice (ICJ) case against Israel.

Photo Credit: Jaber Jehad Badwan, CC BY-SA 4.0 via Wikimedia Commons

We once again witnessed classic Trump resorting to smoke and mirrors. Trump showcases videos of speeches from a minor political party in South Africa claiming South Africa is implicated in genocide, while allowing Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel to evade accountability for acts that have been labelled genocide by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, among others. While Malema’s rhetoric is abhorrent, Netanyahu has an arrest warrant issued against him by the International Criminal Court for directly authorising war crimes and genocide, not merely singing about it. Furthermore, the US gave Israel $17.9 billion in military aid between October 2023 to October 2024, according to the Costs of War Project at Brown University.

Yet hypocritically Trump chooses to spend time admonishing President Ramaphosa for a fabricated claim of white genocide, attempting to tarnish his reputation by linking him to the incendiary words of Malema who is from a different political party altogether.

But this is more than deflection or hypocrisy, it is dangerous. It won't be long before Netanyahu attempts to invoke double standards in the ICJ genocide case, despite the absurdity of such a comparison. Meanwhile, Palestinian civilians continue to be killed and the wholesale destruction of Gaza downplayed.

It is critical we resist the pull of the political theatrics and return to the core issue: Trump’s government, alongside much of the West, is supporting and allowing genocide to occur in Gaza.

Published by Brandon Hamber on Substack and Medium, 27 May 2025.

Friday, March 21, 2025

Insider Reconciliation Summit


In March 2025, the Mary Hoch Center for Reconciliation (MHCR) at the Jimmy and Mary Rosalynn Carter School for Peace and Conflict Resolution at George Mason University held its inaugural Insider Reconciliation Summit. 

The event focused on the role of Insider Reconcilers—individuals deeply connected to conflicting parties who can prevent or mediate disputes. Discussions centred on what is needed to support, recognise, and enhance the effectiveness of these reconcilers.

I contributed to a session on how mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) can enrich reconciliation practices.

For more insights, read the report from the event: Insider Reconciliation Summit 2025: Lessons Learned Report.

Tuesday, February 25, 2025

Presidential Deception: Unpacking Trump’s Executive Order on South Africa

Just over two weeks into Donald Trump’s presidency, the world is witnessing chaos, with South Africa also caught in the turmoil. The clash between Trump’s rhetoric and Elon Musk’s provocations has ignited racial tensions, creating a deadly whirlwind of deflection. South Africans and the world have fallen into the trap. Let me explain.

On February 2, at 6:19 p.m., Trump took to Truth Social, asserting that “South Africa is confiscating land and treating certain classes of people VERY BADLY.” He declared, “I will cut off all future funding to South Africa until a full investigation of this situation is completed!” This incendiary statement set the stage for dramatic escalation.

South African-born Elon Musk soon entered the fray. In response to President Cyril Ramaphosa’s explanation on X of the recent Expropriation Act, aimed at addressing land inequalities, Musk provocatively questioned, “Why do you have openly racist ownership laws?” This query unleashed a torrent of reactions on X, with around 13,000 responses—many overtly racist—while others attempted to clarify the complexities of the land situation to no avail as tensions mounted.

Supporters of Ramaphosa highlighted that the contentious land law, signed last month, grants the government authority to expropriate land from private entities only in specific cases and with just compensation. In a country where whites make up only 7% of the population yet control around 70% of the land, reform is pressing. Critics have long accused the government of inadequately tackling the issue.

By February 5, Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced on X, “I will NOT attend the G20 summit in Johannesburg. South Africa is doing very bad things. Expropriating private property.”

Two days later, Trump issued an Executive Order claiming that “ethnic minority Afrikaners’ agricultural property” was being taken without compensation and that there were “countless government policies designed to dismantle equal opportunity in employment, education, and business, and hateful rhetoric and government actions fuelling disproportionate violence against racially disfavoured landowners.” The Order concluded that the United States would cease all aid to South Africa and support the resettlement of “Afrikaner refugees,” now effectively cast as escaping government-sponsored race-based discrimination.

Trump’s directive further lambasted South Africa for its “aggressive positions” towards the U.S. and its allies, specifically mentioning accusations made against Israel of genocide in the International Court of Justice (ICJ).

The internet erupted, with comments mainly focusing on land and Afrikaners' status, with little mention of the ICJ.

Some white South Africans interpreted Trump’s order as validation of their grievances, claiming victimhood despite their historical role in apartheid. Others recorded videos in their lush gardens, asserting life wasn’t that bad in sunny South Africa. Many ridiculed the notion of privileged whites being classified as refugees by the U.S. Some even offered to assist in packing the bags of those wishing to leave.

More seriously, the President of the South African Chamber of Commerce in the USA, reported they had received over 15,000 inquiries from South Africans seeking to emigrate to the U.S.

The blame game intensified.

The right-wing group AfriForum, claiming to defend Afrikaner rights, found itself at the centre of the controversy. The ANC accused AfriForum of misleading the international community and perpetuating apartheid-era land ownership narratives, leading to a flurry of accusations on social media.

Then the situation took a surprising turn.

AfriForum confirmed their lobbying efforts in the U.S. regarding the land issue but distanced themselves from Trump's claims, asserting they had no influence over the Executive Order. AfriForum CEO Kallie Kriel stated, “We have no idea where Trump got the idea that there are land grabs, genocide, and targeted farm murders.” The organisation maintained that while they had concerns about the new land act, they wanted to work with others to improve their situation in the country, not flee to the U.S.

The Orania community, a self-governing group of whites seeking their own homeland, echoed this sentiment and declined Trump’s offer of resettlement. They did, however, request support (not financial aid they stressed) to secure their self-determination in South Africa.

Meanwhile, Ramaphosa stated that South Africa would not be “bullied.” He reached out to Musk on February 5 to clarify the misinformation stemming from Trump’s statements, presumably highlighting that compensation would be paid for any land taken. He defended his position as “sensible” and “logical,” despite criticisms that he was pandering to Musk, who is largely unpopular among South Africans.

Undeterred, on February 9, Musk ramped up his rhetoric in his usual one-dimensional style. This time, he targeted Julius Malema and shared videos of his anti-white comments, some from years ago. Musk called for Malema to be declared an international criminal and for sanctions against him. Despite Malema’s EFF being a fringe party with only 9% support, Musk’s 200 million followers amplified the noise. The distinction between the South African government and fringe EFF was lost, and the idea of a fictional white genocide cemented in their minds. Musk’s misinformation campaign was complete. Malema’s response, telling Musk to go “to hell” and challenging the “mischaracterization” of him as genocidal, fell on deaf ears, although the publicity by the whole affair may well have given his ailing party a boost in South Africa.

As this piece is published, the situation seems to be less volatile, or at least for now as Trump, Musk and the chaos merchants have moved onto Ukraine. But the implications of the storm are profound for South Africa and globe.

The origins of Trump’s Executive Order are murky, but he has a history with this issue, as does Musk.

In 2018, Trump tweeted that he had asked then Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to "closely study the South Africa land and farm seizures and expropriations and the large-scale killing of farmers.” Fox News has perpetuated the myth of “white genocide,” running various segments on the topic. Musk has previously accused the South African government of being anti-white, claiming in 2023 that it was allowing a "genocide" against white farmers. Musk, as we know, has influence over Trump.

So this is not a new issue but the context has changed.

The latest comments and Executive Order have landed amid the U.S. destruction of foreign aid and the newly emboldened Trump regime. The ICJ genocide case against Israel, which is mentioned significantly in the Executive Order, has been oddly linked to perceived white persecution in South Africa.

This raises two significant issues.

Firstly, with Trump and Musk cutting the U.S. aid budget, the potential withdrawal of funding poses a threat. Although the US support only accounts for 17% of the total HIV responses in South Africa, with nearly 8 million people living with HIV and 5.5 million receiving antiretroviral treatment, this is significant in real terms. Some direct impact on those suffering, certainly in the short term, will invariably follow.

It should not be overlooked that while the world debates the plight of a small number of white South Africans, hundreds of thousands of poor black South Africans could potentially die because of the US decision.

Secondly, it is naive not to see that ordinary South Africans are now being punished for the country’s actions against Israel in the ICJ case. The Executive Order clearly states that the withdrawal of aid is linked to the “unjust and immoral practices that harm” the U.S. and its allies via the ICJ case. The Executive Order specifically notes that “South Africa has taken aggressive positions towards the United States and its allies, including accusing Israel, not Hamas, of genocide in the International Court of Justice, and reinvigorating its relations with Iran”.

The social media circus that has ensued seems to have missed these points or at best, under-emphasised them.

It is outrageous that the social media world is debating whether there is a genocide against white South Africans—an accusation that AfriForum itself has stated is unfounded—rather than the hostile acts by the U.S. against South Africa through the Executive Order.

It is profoundly hypocritical for Musk to call for an individual to be deemed an international criminal for singing unsavoury songs (authorities also sanctioned and investigated him for “hate speech”), while Musk met Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel days earlier. As massively problematic as Julius Malema can be, Netanyahu has an arrest warrant issued against him by the International Criminal Court for directly authorising war crimes and genocide, not for talking or singing about it.

Nonetheless, South Africans have fallen for the trick and are now deeply engaged in heated discussions about their national identity and the role of whites in South Africa. Meanwhile, the genocide in Gaza and the serious U.S. accusations against South Africa, followed by the punishment of ordinary people, are fading into obscurity. It is likely only a matter of time before Netanyahu starts calling double standards in South Africa’s genocide case against Israel, despite the comparison being ludicrous in the extreme.

In this perfect storm of political theatrics, South Africans must resist the temptation to engage in a racially charged debate about who belongs in South Africa or not. Succumbing to an increasingly fractious domestic debate will leave only one winner: Israeli President Netanyahu. The poor in South Africa and the Palestinians will, once again, be the biggest losers.

Published by Brandon Hamber on Substack and Medium, 25 February 2025.

Monday, December 23, 2024

Genocide in Gaza

Detailed reports concluding that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. 

Last updated on 6 January 2025.

Reports

March 2024
Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese
Anatomy of a Genocide: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese. Report.

May 2024
University Network for Human Rights
Genocide in Gaza: Analysis of International Law and its Application to Israel's Military Actions since October 7, 2023. Report.

November 2024

UN Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices
Israel's warfare methods in Gaza consistent with genocide, including use of starvation as weapon of war. Report.

December 2024
Amnesty International
Investigation concludes Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. Report.

December 2024
Médecins Sans Frontières
Gaza death trap: MSF report exposes Israel's campaign of total destruction. Report

December 2024
Human Rights Watch
Israel's Crime of Extermination, Acts of Genocide in Gaza. Report.

December 2024
Lee Mordechai, Historian and Israeli citizen
Bearing Witness to the Israel-Gaza War (Version 6.5.5). Report

Ongoing Cases

International Court of Justice
Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel). Details.

January 2024
Center for Constitutional Rights' (CCR)
Defense for Children International-Palestine et al v. Biden et al. Detail



Friday, November 29, 2024

Bonfires for Peace? What Northern Ireland can learn from Sierra Leone

In the heart of Sierra Leone, community bonfires are transforming societies, while in Northern Ireland, similar traditions can deepen divisions.

In Sierra Leone, the organisation Fambul Tok (“Family Talk” in Krio) uses traditional bonfire ceremonies for community healing. Initially, meetings around the bonfire focused on addressing grievances from the brutal civil war (1991–2002), such as dealing with stolen property, exile of community members, or even more serious issues, such as integrating former child soldiers or even murder. These carefully planned and facilitated gatherings, sometimes taking months to prepare, provided spaces for confession, apology, and forgiveness.

But today, as I learned during a recent visit, these bonfire ceremonies have evolved. As the war recedes into history, these ceremonies now address contemporary local conflicts, from disputes over development priorities to family and community disagreements that threaten community cohesion. Fambul Tok sees such dispute resolution as essential to a healthy community and economic progress.

The irony isn’t lost on those of us living in Northern Ireland, where bonfires serve as annual flashpoints of tension. While we can’t directly compare the societies, Sierra Leone’s experience offers two crucial insights for Northern Ireland.

Bonfire Ceremony in Sierra Leone, photo by Libby Hoffman

 
First, it shows that bonfires need not be instruments of division. While we cannot simply transplant their model into our different historical context, it challenges us to reimagine how traditions might evolve. Perhaps we need to carefully reconsider Northern Ireland’s bonfires within the framework of a long-term peace plan not as symbols of division but as potential touchstones for peace and reconciliation.

Second, Sierra Leone illustrates a truth Northern Ireland has long ignored: no meaningful development can occur without first mending broken relationships. As Fambul Tok aptly stated, putting resources into a community with unresolved conflicts is like pouring water into a bucket full of holes. The view in Sierra Leone is that sustainable development can only take root after repairing these holes — through relationship-building and reconciliation work at all levels of society.

This insight exposes a critical blind spot in Northern Ireland’s approach to development. The recently released draft Programme for Government speaks optimistically of building “a globally competitive, sustainable, and inclusive economy which benefits everyone.” Yet, it largely ignores how deeply communal divisions undermine these aspirations.

Community and economic development in Northern Ireland is messy. Basic infrastructure projects become proxy battles over which community will “really” benefit, whether we are talking roads, bridges or stadiums. The inability to transcend these divisions leads to absurd inefficiencies: duplicate community centres built in close proximity to service Catholic and Protestant communities respectively, a catalogue of shelved projects due to political differences after spending millions on initial consultations, under-populated schools within walking distance of each other because educational integration is opposed, and segregated housing developments that force people to travel great distances to access services.

Northern Ireland faces a clear choice. We can continue pretending that economic development alone, peppered with nominal “sharing” initiatives, will heal divisions, while watching as resources drain through the holes in our communal fabric. Or we can learn from Sierra Leone’s example, acknowledging that genuine progress requires us to actively and continuously mend relationships.

The path forward isn’t easy. Unlike Sierra Leone’s bonfires, which serve as catalysts for healing, Northern Ireland’s traditions remain stubbornly divisive. There’s also a deep fear that linking ongoing political division and economic development will paralyse progress. Yet that’s precisely why we need to heed Sierra Leone’s lesson: transformative change begins not with grand economic plans and platitudes about peace through prosperity but with the patient, deliberate work of rebuilding trust within and between communities and at the political level.

Development isn’t just about building new roads, attracting investment, or constructing schools and hospitals — it’s dependent on building bridges within and between communities and moving forward together. Until we commit to that harder task, we will continue to pour our resources into a fundamentally leaky bucket.

Published by Brandon Hamber in the Derry Journal, 29 November 2024.