Sunday, November 1, 2020

Why you are doing Halloween all wrong

Our 2020 Halloween Turnip
For some light relief, here is a short piece I penned on Halloween night...

Turns out the story of Halloween is somewhat like the story of the grey squirrel. Brought to the UK and Ireland from the US in Victorian times as living-ornaments for the wealthy, the adaptable and competitive grey squirrel has thrived contributing to the decline of the indigenous red squirrel. If you asked a child in Ireland to draw a squirrel more than likely, they would pen a grey rather than a red squirrel. Conversely, Halloween, now considered the most quintessential of so-called US consumption holidays, was a late import to the US from Ireland. But the US tradition has now overtaken all others. 

I was first alerted to the origins of Halloween by my wife, who is from Ireland, and told me that Halloween originated in that part of the world and as a child they carved turnips rather than pumpkins. Being of a sceptical mind, I thought this was a tradition peculiar to her home town of Derry or alternatively simply the practical outworking of the fact that fat American pumpkins are not common in the local environs. Then I did a bit of research. Turns out the turnip really is linked to the root of Halloween and not the pumpkin.

Historians date a form of Halloween back to the prehistoric Celtic festival of Samhain. The celebration marked the seasonal harvest when herds were brought back from the fields for the winter. The Celtic festival, however, and I collapse a range practices here for brevity, involved the recognition and worship of ancestors, and in some cases included human and animal sacrifice. The dead were said to roam the earth at this time. Fires were lit to scare off the ghouls but equally, banquets were prepared for them, along with various masked celebrations. This went on for hundreds of years. After the advent of Christianity, the Catholic Church eventually gave up trying to change these so-called pagan rituals and co-opted the festival. In 835 Pope Gregory IV re-branded Samhain as All Saints’ Day (“All Hallows” Day, originally 1 November), and hence Hallowe’en.

During these various festivals, children across the British Isles had a tradition of carving out assorted root vegetables, but mainly turnips (and the odd potato in Ireland, of course) and putting a light in them. This tradition has a further specific root, namely, it was linked with a trickster type character called Stingy Jack. The legend goes that Jack tricked the Devil on two different occasions not to take his soul, and when Jack died, neither God nor the Devil wanted the poor fella (suggesting a Christian metaphor for purgatory too). He roamed the earth with a lump of hot coal in a carved-out turnip as his only guiding light becoming known as “Jack of the Lantern” and later “Jack O’Lantern”. It was only after the 1840s following the Irish Famine-related migration to the US that the pumpkin came into vogue. Pumpkins were plentiful in the US and decidedly easier to carve than a turnip.

So maybe it is time to turn back the clock and jettison the shiny commercial pumpkin for the rustic humble turnip this Halloween. What is more, the giant turnip is much uglier than said pumpkins, and even without carving can be terrifying. On top that, you basically need power-tools to make an indentation in a turnip, and the carving process will often result in one of the family losing a limb or eye adding to the gore associated with Halloween. Finally, lighting a candle inside a turnip results in the most awful smell, transforming your home instantly into Hades itself.

The turnip is thus the perfect practical Halloween accoutrement. The lowly turnip also reminds us of our past and beckons us to question what we now consider tradition. Reverting to turnips for Halloween might also challenge the rampant commercialisation now associated with the holiday, and particularly the environmental impact of plastic pumpkins and sweetie buckets.

But most importantly, the turnip reminds me that I really should believe my wife more often. But then again, where might that lead? The next thing I will begin campaigning to save Red squirrels because if I don’t the fairies will get me. Worse still, I may discover that there really are wild cats in the Irish hills and more specifically a Brazilian capybara living in Derry on the banks of the River Foyle — well that’s what she told me anyway.

Published by Brandon Hamber on Substack and Medium, 31 October 2020.

Thursday, October 29, 2020

Dealing with the past in Northern Ireland: Resources

This is an ever-growing list of resources I have compiled on dealing with the past in Northern Ireland.  First published 29 June 2012. My last update, following the release of the most recent government policy consultation, was reposted and updated on 18 November 2025.


Key Policy Documents & Resources

Sequential list of key policy documents & resources
  • The Northern Ireland Troubles Bill 2024-26 was introduced in the House of Commons on 14 October 2025. The second reading for the bill took place on 18 November 2025. More [External]
  • CAJ Briefing Document on UK-Ireland Joint Framework. Download [External]
  • The Legacy of the Troubles: A Joint Framework, 19 September 2025. Download [External]
  • On 21 January 2026, MPs voted 373 to 106 to remove the contentious conditional immunity clause from the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act 2023, following a court ruling that the immunity provisions violated human rights and the Windsor Framework.
  • The Model Bill Team’s Response to the NIO Proposals, May 2022. Download [External]
  • In May 2022, the UK government put forward the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill. Download [External]
  • The Model Bill Team’s Response to the NIO Proposals, September 2021. Download
  • Addressing the Legacy of Northern Ireland’s Past, July 2021, Command Paper CP 498. Download
  • Veterans of the Northern Ireland Troubles protected (newspaper article on British Government "proposals" as no official sources exist at this point) (6 May 2021). Read [External]
  • Addressing the Legacy of Northern Ireland's past Northern Ireland Affairs Committee consultation (Interim Report) and Evidence (26 October 2020). Download [External]
  • Addressing the Legacy of Northern Ireland's past Northern Ireland Affairs Committee consultation: The UK Government's New Proposals (open to 1 June 2020). Download [External]
  • Ministerial Statement: Addressing Northern Ireland Legacy Issues: Written statement - HCWS168 (18 March 2020). Download [External]
  • Analysis of the Stormont House Agreement (SHA) consultation responses (July 2019). Download [External]
  • Consultation: Addressing the Legacy of Northern Ireland's Past (closed 10 September 2018). Download
  • Draft Northern Ireland (Stormont House Agreement) Bill (10 March 2016). Download [External]
  • Healing Through Remembering: Guide to the Stormont House Agreement (SHA) (2016). Download [External]
  • Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence on his mission to Northern Ireland: Comments by the State (16 Nov 2016). Download
  • Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence, on his mission to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (March 2016). Download
  • 'Model Bill Team' based at Queen's University Belfast and Committee on the Administration of Justice. Stormont House Agreement – Model Implementation Bill and Explanatory Notes (17 September 2015). Download [External]
  • Stormont House Agreement (23 December 2014). Download
  • Proposed Agreement (31 December 2013). An agreement among the parties of the Northern Ireland Executive on Parades, Select Commemorations, and Related Protests; Flags and Emblems; and Contending with the Past (also known as Haas O'Sullivan Proposals). Download [External]
  • House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee (December 2009). The Report of the Consultative Group on the Past in Northern Ireland. Response. Download [External]
  • Report of the Consultative Group of the Past (January 2009). Download [External]
  • House of Commons. Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. (2008). Session 2007-08, evidence from Brandon Hamber, Cate Turner, Alan McBride and Sandra Peake. Download
  • Healing Through Remembering (2006). Making Peace with the Past: Options for truth recovery regarding the conflict in and about Northern Ireland. Download
  • House of Commons. Northern Ireland Affairs Committee (October 2005). Ways of Dealing with Northern Ireland's Past: Government Response to the Committee's Tenth Report of Session 2004-05. Download
  • House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee  Ways of Dealing with Northern Ireland's Past: Interim Report - Victims and Survivors  Tenth Report of Session 2004–05. Download
  • Healing Through Remembering Consultation on Dealing with the Past (2002). Download
  • "We Will Remember Them": Report of the Victims Commissioner (April 1998). Download [External]
Articles by Brandon Hamber and Colleagues
Websites

Friday, October 23, 2020

The Case for a Degree in Twitterdemiology

In these challenging times, the University is looking to develop new courses. I suggest we offer a course in “Twitterdemiology”. The degree takes typically 2–3 months to complete, involves sharing, preferably uninformed, opinions on Twitter about the spread of diseases, preferably late at night and slightly drunk. A bonus is you never have to wear a mask during class. Involves some study in terms of looking at the occasional graph on a few websites and making a hasty conclusion. The degree is wholly part-time. The degree strongly appeals to those who like to think they are smarter than others for no good reason other than that social media now allows them to share their views in public unfiltered.

That said, the ability to look at a graph and understand what lines are going up or down is an essential criteria to join the class. Students will only be considered if they enjoy a good conspiracy theory and if they generally think experts are prone to exaggeration. Experience in the field of “Climate Change Denial” will stand you in good stead for this degree. Any former study in basic statistical knowledge is strongly discouraged. In fact, any study of the natural sciences is not considered essential for this course as science often makes things too complicated or produces anomalous results. This is not helpful. 

The beauty of the degree is that it is short and focused, and graduates will leave being clear in their opinions, which is the real benefit of not considering alternative science-based perspectives. We could roll the degree out to thousands of graduates. The course is online, opening an international market. It is also open access and appeals to all strata of society. Students could even take the course while stuck in residence over Christmas or at any time really. It is cost-effective as it takes fewer resources than the traditional 7–10 years it normally takes to become a competent epidemiologist (in fact the University could start a redundancy process for all those in the natural sciences saving millions).

"MERS Coronavirus Particle" by NIAID
is licensed under CC BY 2.0
The course requires limited input from the lecturers, if at all. Some assessment might be necessary for accreditation, but this could take the form of observation of students performance on Twitter and Facebook, and involves taking the odd screenshot. Students will get extra credit for sharing their opinion on other mediums, especially phone-in radio shows. Lecturers can perform their assessment duties without a mask and at home while watching TV in their underwear, thus meeting all health and safety requirements and decreasing staff stress. Such an assessment process does not preclude being slightly drunk at the time and will thus appeal to the lecturing staff immensely, meaning uptake in terms of staffing the new degree should be straightforward. The lecturer time to student ratio is excellent, meaning significant profits could be made through the cost of the official accreditation process alone.

I understand it has been proven that it now only takes a few months to become an epidemiologist and disprove the medical establishment without any formal training whatsoever, so you might ask why do the degree? But offering official recognition for the new science of Twitterdemiology, and a university backed degree, would no doubt appeal to many. I know additional risks may arise such as our new graduates could end up challenging the University on other matters such as many staff continuing to believe mistakenly in evolution and also staff promoting perverted ideas such as social justice and equality (occasionally even teaching students about Marxism, shame on them). In these challenging times, difficult choices need to be made and after all, do we not encourage critical thinking? Furthermore, if we remove all natural sciences from the University, and also stop all this leftist and free-thinking claptrap as the government advises, this problem may not arise.

Career paths are numerous for Twitterdemiologist. Students can go on to be prominent politicians and share their views with a broader audience. Maybe a cross over degree with policy and politics should be considered. Why not replace the Chief Medical Officer with one of our newly minted Twitterdemiologists? Importantly, the degree also allows you to obtain your qualification and practice Twitterdemiology in your own time or while holding down another job. Twitterdemiology thus complements the new government retraining scheme.

The cumulative positive effect on society, as we have already seen through the views of many amateur Twitterdemiologist on mask-wearing and lockdown strategies, has proven immensely helpful. The graphs on Coronavirus infection prove this. So we can build on that. Officially recognising the positive contribution of Twitterdemiology could only enhance the university claims concerning social impact. I strongly suggest we move at speed to formalise this new science.


Published by Brandon Hamber, 23 October 2020, Medium.com. Brandon Hamber is Professor of Peace Studies at Ulster University.

Friday, October 16, 2020

Enhanced Integration of MHPSS in Peacebuilding

On 15 October I gave an address to the "Annual Conference 2020: Harnessing Potential" hosted by The Knowledge Platform Security & Rule of Law. The speech focused on the "Enhanced Integration of Mental Health and Psychosocial Support (MHPSS) in Peacebuilding".  The speech focused on sharing the recommendations for the UN Peacebuilding Architecture Review developed with a multidisciplinary Task Force of which I was a member. The Task Force was established by the government of The Netherlands which is promoting the integration of mental health and psychosocial support in peacebuilding efforts. 

You can listen to my speech below:

Thursday, August 20, 2020

Footsteps of the Disappeared Programme

"Following the Footsteps of the Disappeared" is a two-day programme incorporating a textile display and 2 seminars to mark International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances 30 August 2020.

Programme of Events

Photo credit: Recuerdos de Guadalupe / Guadalupe's Longings (Peru/Chile arpillera, Guadalupe Ccallocunto, 1989), photographer Martin Melaugh, © Conflict Textiles
Partners

"Following the Footsteps of the Disappeared" is a partnership between Conflict Textiles, the Ulster Museum and the John Hume and Thomas P. O'Neill Chair in Peace, Ulster University, and also the Transformative Memory Network.

Monday, August 3, 2020

On the Passing of John Hume

John Hume is undoubtedly one of the most significant politicians of the last 50 years. It was sad to hear of his passing today, and my thoughts are first with Pat Hume and the family.

John Hume was the product of social upheaval linked to the conflict in and about Northern Ireland from 1960s onwards, and he rose to prominence from humble roots when he took a stand against violence, in many ways similar to those that significantly influenced his thinking, such as Martin Luther King Jr. and Mahatma Gandhi.

Growing up in South Africa, and moving to Northern Ireland only in 2001, I came late to the work and philosophy of John Hume. However, when I first started to work in Derry in 1996, his home city, his legacy was impossible to ignore. This continues and is no more acute than today as he leaves the political stage forever.

In 1998, shortly after the signing of the Belfast Agreement, when I was still based in South Africa but was in Northern Ireland over the winter, I first met Pat Hume. She called at the door of my wife's sisters house where we were having a New Year's Eve party, just to say hello and wish us well. The down to earth nature of the Hume family was immediately apparent. Little did I know at the time that my history would become tied into the work of John Hume.

John Hume at the unveiling of a plaque to mark those he brought to Derry as part of the Tip O'Neill lecture series at Ulster University including Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Mary McAleese, John Kerry and Kofi Annan, among many others 

 

In 2015, I was appointed the John Hume and Thomas P. O'Neill Chair in Peace at Ulster University. The Chair honours John Hume and his pivotal role in the peace process, and Thomas P. O'Neill who, as Speaker of the House of Representatives, was a significant force for enlisting the United States in advancing peace in Northern Ireland. The two men worked together to bring the US into the peace process. The Chair recognises the contribution of both men to conflict transformation and peacebuilding by recording and sharing the lessons learned and continuing the process of peace and reconciliation for future generations. The Chair's reach extends now to South Africa, Colombia, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Basque Country and Uganda, among others.

Every activity I, therefore, undertake in my professional life is tied to John Hume's legacy, and hopefully my contribution to peace locally and globally, as modest as it is, is a fitting tribute to his life and work, along with that of Tip O'Neill.

On hearing of the death of John, I wanted to make a few personal reflections, mostly about his work, which I have tried to better understand since being appointed the Hume O'Neill Chair. In the last few years, in particular, I have been reading some of Hume's speeches and watching video clips. His contribution is immense. Anyone who says that John Hume only ever made one speech, has never taken the time to mull over his words. I was also fortunate enough to be asked to write the Foreword to Sean Farren's edited book "John Hume: In His Own Words". This book, which is a collection of original speeches, particularly helped me to develop a deeper understanding of Hume's politics. Some of my reflections below I also recorded in the book but wanted to share some today.

I was fortunate enough to meet John and Pat Hume many times since 1998 thanks to their association with Ulster University and the Magee Campus in particular. What always came across is their strong belief in social justice, political tolerance and the peaceful resolution of conflict. I have further identified four key approaches routinely mentioned by John Hume to achieve this.

Firstly, Hume is committed to the idea that dialogue is essential and that conflicts can only be resolved through open discussion, even in contexts of sharp differences of opinion. Underpinning this is the idea that, certainly in Ireland, there is an inter-dependency between people that is inescapable.

Secondly, he believes that inter-dependence stretched globally. The European Union was an example of how unity and inter-dependence could be fostered. This also led Hume to recognise the importance of the US and its familial and historical connections to Ireland, as key to the peace process and stimulating economic growth, which was necessary to ensure and ultimately sustain peace. This global commitment, in part, explains his relationship with Tip O'Neill. But more profoundly this global commitment developed into Hume's form of nationalism, that is, a conviction that people and not place or geography defined nationhood.

Thirdly, Hume opposes the use of violence. In his speeches, Hume continually highlights with great compassion the cost of violence to individuals routinely quoting statistics of death. He also notes other impacts, i.e. that violence "has cost us jobs" and that peace cannot be built on "the ruins of a shattered economy". There are other elements of practicality in his views on non-violence, that is, that republican violence distracted from the social injustices in the society and would "only strengthen Unionism".

Finally, he consistently speaks of reconciliation. Hume's view seems to start instrumentally concerning reconciliation, that is that Irish Unity is only possible through different traditions coming together. A United Ireland for Hume would be achieved not by overcoming "the Northern Protestant but to seek his help and cooperation". However, as his thinking develops, it is clear he becomes more committed to the principle of reconciliation at all costs. Hume sees the "road of reconciliation" as the only "real road forward".

At the core of these beliefs, however, is a profoundly pragmatic view of the world, not a rose-tinted idea of social harmony. Reconciliation for Hume is not only people-to-people relationship building. Hume sees reconciliation as needing institutional, political and social support. Hume noted in 1983 that many "furiously abhor the work of reconciliation" for this very reason. We know today, not only in Northern Ireland but globally, that some still see reconciliation negatively: a sop to the aggressors; a false coming together; selling out one's principles; or some idealistic peacenik concept. However, John Hume suggests we have no other choice than to foster reconciliation if we are, for better or worse, destined to share our society with others.

John Hume challenges us all to recognise that reconciliation is profoundly difficult and tricky yet at the heart of sustainable peace, noting in a speech at Dublin Castle in 1983: "Let that reconciliation start today in this room – between ourselves. Goodwill alone – and I know we have with us today the goodwill of the mass of the people of this island – will not suffice. We must apply all the resources of our collective intelligence, imagination, generosity and determination to this great enterprise and be seen to do it. We must mean business and we must be seen to desperately mean business".

To this end, as I reflect sadly today on the passing of John Hume, I am reminded of these weighty words and feel inspired to play my small part in upholding his legacy. I hope others with more political influence will use this moment to reflect and rise to the challenge. Rest in peace, John, and thank you for all the hard lessons you continue to teach us, and for the hope your words and deeds continue to convey.