Monday, December 23, 2024

Genocide in Gaza

Detailed reports concluding that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. 

Last updated on 6 January 2025.

Reports

March 2024
Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese
Anatomy of a Genocide: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese. Report.

May 2024
University Network for Human Rights
Genocide in Gaza: Analysis of International Law and its Application to Israel's Military Actions since October 7, 2023. Report.

November 2024

UN Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices
Israel's warfare methods in Gaza consistent with genocide, including use of starvation as weapon of war. Report.

December 2024
Amnesty International
Investigation concludes Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. Report.

December 2024
Médecins Sans Frontières
Gaza death trap: MSF report exposes Israel's campaign of total destruction. Report

December 2024
Human Rights Watch
Israel's Crime of Extermination, Acts of Genocide in Gaza. Report.

December 2024
Lee Mordechai, Historian and Israeli citizen
Bearing Witness to the Israel-Gaza War (Version 6.5.5). Report

Ongoing Cases

International Court of Justice
Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel). Details.

January 2024
Center for Constitutional Rights' (CCR)
Defense for Children International-Palestine et al v. Biden et al. Detail



Friday, November 29, 2024

Bonfires for Peace? What Northern Ireland can learn from Sierra Leone

In the heart of Sierra Leone, community bonfires are transforming societies, while in Northern Ireland, similar traditions can deepen divisions.

In Sierra Leone, the organisation Fambul Tok (“Family Talk” in Krio) uses traditional bonfire ceremonies for community healing. Initially, meetings around the bonfire focused on addressing grievances from the brutal civil war (1991–2002), such as dealing with stolen property, exile of community members, or even more serious issues, such as integrating former child soldiers or even murder. These carefully planned and facilitated gatherings, sometimes taking months to prepare, provided spaces for confession, apology, and forgiveness.

But today, as I learned during a recent visit, these bonfire ceremonies have evolved. As the war recedes into history, these ceremonies now address contemporary local conflicts, from disputes over development priorities to family and community disagreements that threaten community cohesion. Fambul Tok sees such dispute resolution as essential to a healthy community and economic progress.

The irony isn’t lost on those of us living in Northern Ireland, where bonfires serve as annual flashpoints of tension. While we can’t directly compare the societies, Sierra Leone’s experience offers two crucial insights for Northern Ireland.

Bonfire Ceremony in Sierra Leone, photo by Libby Hoffman

 
First, it shows that bonfires need not be instruments of division. While we cannot simply transplant their model into our different historical context, it challenges us to reimagine how traditions might evolve. Perhaps we need to carefully reconsider Northern Ireland’s bonfires within the framework of a long-term peace plan not as symbols of division but as potential touchstones for peace and reconciliation.

Second, Sierra Leone illustrates a truth Northern Ireland has long ignored: no meaningful development can occur without first mending broken relationships. As Fambul Tok aptly stated, putting resources into a community with unresolved conflicts is like pouring water into a bucket full of holes. The view in Sierra Leone is that sustainable development can only take root after repairing these holes — through relationship-building and reconciliation work at all levels of society.

This insight exposes a critical blind spot in Northern Ireland’s approach to development. The recently released draft Programme for Government speaks optimistically of building “a globally competitive, sustainable, and inclusive economy which benefits everyone.” Yet, it largely ignores how deeply communal divisions undermine these aspirations.

Community and economic development in Northern Ireland is messy. Basic infrastructure projects become proxy battles over which community will “really” benefit, whether we are talking roads, bridges or stadiums. The inability to transcend these divisions leads to absurd inefficiencies: duplicate community centres built in close proximity to service Catholic and Protestant communities respectively, a catalogue of shelved projects due to political differences after spending millions on initial consultations, under-populated schools within walking distance of each other because educational integration is opposed, and segregated housing developments that force people to travel great distances to access services.

Northern Ireland faces a clear choice. We can continue pretending that economic development alone, peppered with nominal “sharing” initiatives, will heal divisions, while watching as resources drain through the holes in our communal fabric. Or we can learn from Sierra Leone’s example, acknowledging that genuine progress requires us to actively and continuously mend relationships.

The path forward isn’t easy. Unlike Sierra Leone’s bonfires, which serve as catalysts for healing, Northern Ireland’s traditions remain stubbornly divisive. There’s also a deep fear that linking ongoing political division and economic development will paralyse progress. Yet that’s precisely why we need to heed Sierra Leone’s lesson: transformative change begins not with grand economic plans and platitudes about peace through prosperity but with the patient, deliberate work of rebuilding trust within and between communities and at the political level.

Development isn’t just about building new roads, attracting investment, or constructing schools and hospitals — it’s dependent on building bridges within and between communities and moving forward together. Until we commit to that harder task, we will continue to pour our resources into a fundamentally leaky bucket.

Published by Brandon Hamber in the Derry Journal, 29 November 2024.


Thursday, November 28, 2024

Discussion with Ramin Jahanbegloo on Nonviolence

On 28th November 2024, Conflict TextilesINNATE, and the Hume O’Neill Chair in Peace at Ulster University hosted an insightful discussion with Iranian political philosopher Ramin Jahanbegloo at the Ulster Museum.


Ramin, known for his extensive writings on nonviolence, including his latest book Thinking Nonviolence: Struggle and Resistance, explored the connection between nonviolence and empowerment. 

The event coincided with the Ulster Museum’s Conflict Textiles exhibition Threads of Empowerment, showcasing textiles that serve as testimonies to empowerment through nonviolent resistance. Ramin's insights were particularly relevant in today’s challenging environment, highlighting the importance of nonviolence in social movements.

Thank you to everyone who attended!

Wednesday, November 6, 2024

Response to Draft Programme for Government

Myself and Eliz McArdle from Ulster University and on behalf of the Peace Summit Partnership submitted a responses to the Draft Programme for Government for Northern Ireland 2024. Our response focused on contemporary peacebuilding issues for young people in Northern Ireland. It can be downloaded here.

The response was launched with the Peace Summit Partnership response at Stormont on 4 November 2024.

Friday, September 20, 2024

Inaugural John Hume and Thomas P. O’Neill Chair Peace Lecture

The inaugural John Hume and Thomas P. O’Neill Chair Peace Lecture took place on 20 September 2024 at the Derry-Londonderry Campus of Ulster University, in partnership with the Hume O’Neill Chair and the John and Pat Hume Foundation.

The lecture was delivered by Taoiseach Simon Harris TD, who paid tribute to the peacebuilding efforts of John Hume and Tip O’Neill while reaffirming the Irish Government's commitment to deepening peace on the island.


In his address, Taoiseach Harris stated:

"We are also witnessing a new era in British-Irish relations. My recent meetings with Prime Minister Keir Starmer have set in motion a much-needed reset of relations between our two Governments. I have always believed – and this remains unshakable – that the peace process thrives when the British and Irish Governments act in full partnership as co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement. Unilateralism failed in the past... Today, we are restoring a genuine sense of partnership, ensuring we address the critical issues that underpin lasting peace, progress, and reconciliation."

The lecture highlighted the importance of collaboration in fostering peace and rebuilding trust across political traditions on the island.

Wednesday, May 15, 2024

Beyond Intragroup Betrayal: New Article

Continuing our work on the issue of betrayal in peacebuilding Wilhem Verwoerd, Alistair Little and Brandon Hamber have published a new article.

The article was published in the Peacebuilding journal entitled "Beyond intragroup betrayal during intergroup relational peacebuilding". 

You can download the article here, open access.

This article addresses a neglected human cost of relational peacebuilding, identified in an earlier article on ‘peace as betrayal’. The focus here is how relational peacebuilders can respond to painful accusations of betrayal by family-type group members evoked by working with the ‘other side’. Continuing to draw on the reflections of experienced peace practitioners from South Africa, the Israel-Palestine region and the conflict in and about Northern Ireland, a contrasting distinction is made between two routes: a ‘clarification’ route that explains why working with ‘them’ is not a betrayal of ‘us’ vs a ‘counter-critique’ response that attempts to turn the traitor tables on the accusers. An evaluative discussion of the counter-critique route explores the pitfalls of political abuse, avoidance of shared responsibility and underestimating ‘thin’ relations (Margalit), as well as the complementary potential of the clarification and the counter-critique routes beyond peace as betrayal.